Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 1127 - 141, Borrowing a Path



Chapter 1127: Chapter 141, Borrowing a Path

Across the great ocean, the United Commonwealth, as the second largest member of the Oceanic Alliance, had been especially bustling of late; the issue of whether to send troops to war had completely turned the nation upside down.

Not only were congressional members divided into factions quarreling, but civilians too were split into camps; with the media fanning the flames, it had become the hottest topic in American society.

It was with great difficulty that a consensus was reluctantly reached when suddenly, with the news of the London bombing, everyone started arguing again.

After a herculean effort to calm everyone down, the dire news of the Malacca naval battle arrived.

One piece of bad news after another almost drove Theodore Roosevelt to the brink of collapse. Being the President of the United States was not an easy task, as domestic positions had never been unified.

The United States emerged from Britannia; Anglo-American capital was truly interconnected by a shared lifeline, prompting the United States to take the British side out of interest.

...

As for the Holy Roman Empire, it was an outlier in the capitalistic world. Though it too was classified as a capitalistic country, what it really played was nationalism.

There were heaps of restrictions, and the bourgeoisie were severely suppressed. Especially in the management of financial capital, they were even stricter to the point of being harsh.

If the Holy Roman Empire won the war and the Shinra model dominated the world, it would undoubtedly be a disaster for the capitalistic world.

If not for the interests being too heavily intertwined and having been long ago cheated onto the ship by the British, with Britain’s performance on the battlefield, Roosevelt would have quit playing with the British long ago.

But reality was cruel; the United States was too deeply influenced by Britain. Whether it was political culture or economic industry, they were tied together with the British.

After World War II in the original timeline, the Americans were able to smoothly take over Britannia’s world hegemony, thanks to these interest groups.

It was undeniable how influential the British were at that time, capable of not just drawing in the United States but also stabilizing the United States.

If not for the deep-seated hatred between the North and the South, by now, the two countries might even be found in the same trench.

Of course, this had nothing to do with the laissez-faire approach of the Vienna Government.

More allies were not necessarily better; choosing allies involved not only shared interests but also considering the responsibilities and impacts that would arise.

The Holy Roman Empire’s influence in America was enough to defend its own colonies, but clearly insufficient to provide security for its allies.

Influenced by Franz, the pragmatic Vienna Government never did anything beyond its capabilities.

In weak America, the pursuit of allies was naturally done quietly. After all, they were only there to make up the numbers, not even qualified to be cannon fodder; before the situation became clear, these countries didn’t need to stick their heads out.

The true significance of seeking allies lay in the shaping of post-war international relations. Having allies to coordinate with was clearly stronger than direct confrontation. For a hegemonic country, the more minions, the better.

President Roosevelt inquired with concern, “Has the expert group’s assessment come out? How great are the British chances of winning?”

Deep down, he was more inclined towards the British, and the United States was also supporting Britannia in this war; but as to the outcome of the war, Roosevelt still had no confidence.

There was no helping it; after its split, the United States was absolutely not just a simple equation of 3—1=2; in terms of overall national power, it was at most only half of that in the original timeline, with its industrial strength severely depleted.

Even with Britain and America combined, there was still a qualitative gap compared to the Holy Roman Empire. The only advantage was perhaps that, nominally, the Oceanic Alliance covered a broader territory, had a larger population, and richer resources.

But war isn’t just about land, population, and resources. Before these things can be transformed into military power, they must undergo a long process.

Otherwise, the population of British-India alone would be almost equal to that of the whole Continental Alliance; the lands and resources controlled by the Oceanic Alliance far surpass those of the Continental Alliance.

Had it not been for the low conversion efficiency, the war would have been completely one-sided in favor of the Oceanic Alliance, and Britannia would not have been pressured by the Holy Roman Empire.

Secretary of State Castro replied with a grave expression, “The current situation is very bad, and the state of affairs is developing in a direction unfavorable to us.

Before the outbreak of the war, the expert group assessed that the Oceanic Alliance had an 86.7% chance of victory; after the London Blitz, it dropped by ten percentage points; after the news of the Battle of Malacca, the expert group downgraded it by another twenty percentage points.

It seems that the Oceanic Alliance still has a higher chance of winning, but this is the most ideal state, and we must be very cautious.

For example: if the Russians send troops to India, or if the Cape of Good Hope falls, or British-East Africa falls, or the Indochina Peninsula falls, or the Sacred Shinra Army occupies Persia, etc.

Frankly, I have serious doubts about the combat effectiveness of the British Army. Without foreign intervention, with their strength, they are likely unable to withstand the enemy’s blade.”

Although the World War has erupted, the real combatants are just Britannia and the Holy Roman Empire, with perhaps Japan and the Russian Empire brought along, and the rest of the belligerent nations are still in the preparatory phase.

With the situation taking a drastic turn, the British Government naturally has to pull in allies. As the number two nation in the Alliance, the United States must take concrete action.

After a pause long enough to drink a cup of coffee, President Roosevelt said firmly, “If that is the case, then let’s find a way to help the British hold their ground.

Other nations might still have a way out, but we do not. The hostility of the Vienna Government towards us has been present for more than a day or two.

Since the Civil War, they have never ceased their oppression of us. Now that we have all declared war on each other, they will not miss any opportunity to weaken us.”

In fact, the pressure faced by the United States since the Civil War has not just come from the Holy Roman Empire; many European countries have been involved, differing only in the extent of this pressure.

Including restrictions on immigration, blockades on high-tech technology, and unequal treatment in trade.

It was not until the establishment of a free trade system that the United States, which had become a dumping ground for European goods, started to experience better days politically.

The deep-seated reason is understood by all: the Chosen Country is too prosperous, with too great a potential for development, arousing the envy and wariness of the European nations.

To change this passive situation, the Washington Government naturally gravitated towards Britain, which shared a common origin. It just so happened that the British were also ostracized by the European world, and thus the two sides swiftly struck up an alliance.

No matter how the international situation changes, the underlying reasons for the Holy Roman Empire’s oppression of the United States exist, becoming a problem the American Government must confront.

The blood-red twilight was fading away, and the planes were still circling in the sky, the artillery fire still roared on the ground, and the overwhelming cries of battle seemed about to tear the whole world apart.

After putting down the binoculars, Archduke Friedrich sighed.

After a day of fighting, with thousands of casualties, they had only managed to advance the front by less than a mile.

Facing the decaying Persian Empire yet achieving only such results was clearly not satisfactory.

There was no way around it; the enemy had been prepared. Sandwiched between three major bullies—Britain, Russia, and Austria—the Persian Empire spent its days on tenterhooks.

As the saying goes, “born in distress, die in comfort.” Despite its decline, the Persian Empire could not afford to lose its sense of crisis while facing threats from these three aggressors.

In order to preserve itself, the Persian Government had always played the three countries off against each other, vacillating without taking sides.

During peaceful times, this was naturally the best choice. As a buffer zone between three major powers, there was no need to take a stance; allying with one would only plunge it into jeopardy.

But times were changing and the international situation was full of rapid transformations. The Persian Government, failing to keep pace, made the wrong call at the outbreak of the hegemonic war, triggering this conflict.

Even though the Vienna Government had repeatedly assured that they would only pass through to attack India and had no designs on Persian territory, the Persians simply wouldn’t believe it.

Perhaps it was the historical lesson from their Turkic ancestors about the “ruse of feigned retreat” that led the Persian Government to its misjudgment.

Not only did it reject Vienna’s proposal for passage, but it also started colluding with the British. Of course, it was the British who took the initiative to offer their help.

However, that wasn’t the main point. The matter concerned Vienna’s second strategic plan, crucial to the success of the hegemonic war, and thus could not afford the slightest sentimentality.

Since diplomatic negotiations were unsuccessful, battlefields were the only option left. Such was the straightforward nature of a dominant nation’s conduct.

The defensive line in front of them was the result of the Persian Government employing over a hundred thousand laborers and several years of painstaking construction.

Perhaps the Persian Government felt that a turtle shell could provide a sense of security; they not only established fortress constructions along the Shinra Boundary but also defensive lines along the borders with the Russians and the British.

As it turned out, these fortresses proved effective. Without these structures to rely on, if facing direct combat, the victor would likely have already been decided.

Glancing at the sky, Archduke Friedrich abandoned the idea of nocturnal combat. Although the army needed to race against time, time wasn’t something to be rashly squandered.

He had personally gone to the frontlines, observing the day’s combat with his own eyes. It wasn’t that the Sacred Shinra Army was ineffectual; rather, the enemy was simply well-prepared.

They had dug numerous pitfalls along the way and pre-laid many landmines, rendering tank armor virtually ineffective.

The sluggish advance during the day was largely due to the time-consuming task of mine clearance.

Given the current situation, breaking through the enemy’s defense wasn’t difficult, but doing so swiftly was challenging.

Of course, filling the gaps with a stream of lives might yield hope.

Too bad the Russians are masters of that tactic. To attempt such in the Holy Roman Empire, even if Archduke Friedrich was of royal blood, would be more than he could handle.

“Order the troops to cease their assault.”

As the signal for retreat was sent out, the day’s battle came to an end, leaving Friedrich alone with his thoughts, staring blankly at the map.

After repeated analysis, Friedrich concluded that what the Holy Roman Empire needed now was a cannon fodder army.

If the Persians could use their terrain to construct defenses, it went without saying for the British. The forthcoming battles would inevitably require sacrificing lives.

To ordinary people, the sacrifice of a million soldiers to seize India may seem like a good deal.

But Friedrich was different. As one of the few well-informed members within the Empire, he was acutely aware of the domestic attitude toward India.

To put it bluntly: India was not Holy Rome’s cup of tea.

A glance through colonization history shows that from Austria to the Holy Roman Empire, colonization efforts have always targeted sparsely populated regions.

Populous India, aside from offering short-term plunder of riches, held no significant strategic value for the Empire.

The real intent behind targeting India was to pressure the British, forcing the British Government to expend national resources in a land battle.

If the sacrifice became too great, it would lose strategic significance, particularly since both the air force and the navy were performing well; the army couldn’t afford “heavy casualties.”

Building a cannon fodder army may seem straightforward, but it also has wide-reaching implications. One must consider not only cost-effectiveness but also the political impact.

These were issues that Friedrich, a commander on the front, could not decide with a single word. Only the Emperor had the authority to decide military structures.

The next day, an Archduke Friedrich with dark circles under his eyes appeared before everyone.

“Order the Third, Ninth, and Thirty-sixth Divisions to launch feign attacks from the front, and command the Seventh, Thirteenth, and Eighteenth Divisions to attack Persia through the Russian Empire!”

There was no doubt this was a low-risk gamble. If the Persians hadn’t reinforced their northern defenses, or if their defenses were not tight, they’d be utterly done for.

And if they were prepared, it would stretch the battle front between the two nations. The longer the front, the greater the material consumption and logistical challenges.

The Holy Roman Empire, large and wealthy, could withstand such expenses, but that didn’t mean the Persians could bear the terrifying toll of a prolonged front.

Even with British allies’ support, how much resources could the now preoccupied British spare to assist Persia?

A military staff officer beside him reminded, “Your Excellency Commander, we have not yet communicated with the Russians; crossing the border rashly might cause misunderstandings.”

Cross-border operations were anything but simple. Under normal circumstances, no sovereign entity would agree, especially not a great power like Russia.

Friedrich shook his head, “No, this is not a matter of crossing borders. We are simply launching a joint attack on Persia with the Russian Army.”

“Don’t forget, the Tsarist Government has also declared war on Persia. As allies, what’s wrong with us joining forces to attack Persia?”

A declaration without action couldn’t be publicized. Legally speaking, the Russian Empire had already gone to war with the Persian Empire.

According to the Russo-Austrian alliance treaty, the Russian Army, as an ally, was obliged to coordinate with the Shinra Army in the attack.

As for causing diplomatic disputes without prior communication with the Tsarist Government, that was outside Friedrich’s consideration.

If such a minor issue couldn’t be resolved, then the Holy Roman Empire’s Foreign Office wouldn’t deserve the praise of “diplomatic peak.”

Enhance your reading experience by removing ads for as low as $1!

Remove Ads From $1

Tip: You can use left, right, A and D keyboard keys to browse between chapters.